The Occult Technology of Power

                       **********************

     The

     Occult 

                                      The Initiation of the Son of a

     Technology                       Finance Capitalist into the Arcane

                                      Secrets of Political and Economic

     of                               Power

     Power

                            **********

                        A Project of the

                    Society for Illuminating

                      the Sources of Power

                            **********

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^

The Occult Technology

  of Power, 64 page Paperback Edition $8.95

  Copyright 1974 by Alpine Enterprises

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                    Dearborn, Michigan 48121

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                     Alpine Enterprises

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                         To My Son

". . . the world is governed by very different

personages from what is imagined by those who are

not behind the scenes."

                -Benjamin Disraeli

                 (Earl of Beaconsfield)

   In this thin volume you will find the transcripts of your

initiation into the secrets of my empire Read them again

not for the arcane knowledge which is now second nature

you, hut in order to re-experience the shock and awe you felt

twenty years ago when at age thirty the fabulous scope of

my power was revealed to you by my trusted, and now

mostly departed advisors. Remember the surprise, to the

point of disbelief, with which you beheld the invisibly

delicate, but invincible chains of deceit, confusion, ar

coercion with which we finance capitalists enslave this chaotic

world. Remember the feats of will and strategy that have

been required to retain our position. Then, inspect your

retinue carefully.  Your heir must be equal to and eager for

the task much as you were.  Choose him carefully.  As I lie

here waiting for the end I can afford to relish the thought

our empire lasting forever as I never dared while in charge.

Rational power calculations, so easily disrupted by the thrill

of power, are now entirely in your hands.

           "Know!--Will--Dare--and be Silent!"

                          Aleister Crowley

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^

                THE TRANSCRIPTS

   My Introduction to your Initiation

1. Professor A. on the Role of Fraud in Nature

2. Professor Q. on Occult Knowledge as

   the Key to Power

3. Professor M. on the Economics of

   Central Banking

4. Professor B. on the Functions of the Central

   Bank in the Mature Finance Capitalist System

5. Professor G. on Social and Business Legislation

   and Policy

6. Professor D. on the Role of Public Education

7. Professor X. on Prestigious Associations and

   Secret Societies

8. Professor Y. on Covert Operations

   and Intelligence

   My Closing Remarks

   Afterword by the Transcriber

     Sources:

     Indispensable Thoughts on History, Economics, Politics,

     Philosophy, and Human Nature

     The Left on the Ruling Class

     The Right on the Conspiracy Theory of History

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^

                  MY INTRODUCTION TO

                    YOUR INITIATION

"Man is a rope stretched between the animal and

the Superman a rope over an abyss. "

"I teach you the Superman. Man is something to be

surpassed."

               -Friedrich Nietzsche

"Self reverence, self-knowledge, self-control these

three alone lead to sovereign power."

               -Alfred Lord Tennyson

"And nothing, not God, is greater to one than one's

self is. "

               -Walt Whitman

"Do what thou wilt shall be the whole of the law."

               -Aleister Crowley

                The Book of the Law

   My Son, the time has arrived to make formal what you

have confidently awaited for some years. Of all your

brothers, sisters, and cousins, as well as the offspring of my

close allies, I have chosen you to be heir to my empire. All

the trust funds, foundations, and accounts through which my

empire is controlled shall pass into your hands upon my

retirement. All my alliances, understandings, and enmities

with my handful of peers around the globe shall gradually

become yours. Over the next twenty years we shall collaborate

closer and closer, you and I, until, we finally act as one.

   For ten years you have toured my empire in a succession

of managerial assignments and are now familiar with the

outward operations of my crucial banking, foundation, gov-

ernmental, and think tank organizations. Until now, my ad-

visors and I have deflected your questions as to how and if

my diverse operations and holdings, which seem autonomous

and even contradictory, are integrated into an organic whole

to serve the dynasty's interests. The fact that you asked

these questions, rejecting my carefully nurtured public image

as an idle, coupon clipping philanthropist, was a major

factor in the high esteem in which I hold you. Most of your

competitors found puppet leadership in any one of my organi-

zations so awesome and gratifying that they immediately

eliminated themselves from the contest for the top position

which you have won. Such men of limited vision are neces-

sary for my success. They bend unconsciously to the subtle

pressures to which I expose them. They can be led in any

direction I choose by simple-minded rationalizations aimed at

their vanity without being privy to my motives which would

be short lived secrets in their undisciplined and envious

minds .

   Most important in your selection as my successor,

however was your psychological nature which has been

faithfully reported to me over the years by my associates

many of whom have advanced psychological training. A man

in my position must have total mastery over his emotions.

All actions affecting the power of the dynasty must be taken

on the basis of coldly reasoned power calculations il the

dynasty is to survive and prosper at the expense of its

subjects and rivals. All power is impossible to those whose

pursuit is ruled by sentimentality, love, envy power-lust

revenge, prejudice, hatred, justice, alcohol, drugs, or sexual

desire. Sustained power is impossible to those who repress

all their irrational longings into their subconscious only to

have them return in compulsive, out of control behavior that

inevitably leads to their ruin. Although often clothed in the

rationalizations of power calculation, compulsive behavior is

at root, the emotionalism of a frightened child, desperately

projecting his inner agony into a reality he is afraid to under

stand, much less master.

   Although you now must begin to pursue it consciously you

have already displayed the alienation from your emotional

nature that is so essential to achieving real worldly power.

You must recognize your emotional nature as a primitive

survival mechanism that was appropriate for the jungle and

perhaps useful to common men, but useless for the tasks that

confront us finance capitalists. Attachment to what you do,

just because you do it, is the primary psychological

characteristic of ordinary mortals. Such cognitive dissonance

spells disaster for us. Our emotional mechanism makes our

lives worth living, but is no guide to the occult arts of

intrigue. So, continue to gratify your senses and emotions

fully at your leisure. As long as the empire prospers you will

have the resources to indulge in systematic gratification

which will leave your irrational urges sated and, therefore,

powerless. You will never be in the unenviable position of the

middle class strivers who must, from lack of resources,

repress their emotional natures if they are to attain any

power whatever during their lives. Typically, they end up

taking their pleasure from the victories and cruelties of their

struggle. Thus, their end ceases to be power and they event-

ually defeat themselves with reckless behavior in pursuit of

dominant thrills.

   I have brought you into seclusion with my most trusted

advisors in order to inaugurate a new phase of your instruct-

tion. Your formal training in the "official" political-economic

world is now complete. This weekend will mark the begin-

ning of your training in the occult technology of power that

lurks behind outer appearances. As your tutors will explain,

"occult" or secret knowledge is the basis of all power in

human society, so I use the word "occult" advisedly, in its

pristine usage. As I am sure you are aware by now, produc-

tivity in itself does not secure power and therefore does not

secure the gratifications of life. After all, slaves can be

productive. None of my organizations in which you served so

well are concerned with advancing the techniques of satisfy-

mg human needs and desires. Rather, all are dedicated to the

surreptitious centralization of productive, but especially

coercive, efforts in my hands or in creating the intellectual

climate in which such veiled control would be tolerated in tb

future. I destroy or paralyze productive efforts that cannot

be ensnarled in my web

   After a break Professor A. will take the floor in order to

put finance capitalism into full biological perspective. His

short talk will be followed by similar abbreviated summaries

by his six associates, all of whom you know well. The rest of

the weekend will be devoted to forthright fielding of your

questions.

                           **1**

                    PROFESSOR A. ON THE

                  ROLE OF FRAUD IN NATURE

"Are we not all predatory animals by instinct? If

humans ceased wholly from preying upon each

other, could they continue to exist?"

             -Anton Szandor LaVey

    "Nature, to be commanded must be obeyed "

             -Francis Bacon

    Organisms typically base their success primarily on de-

ception and rely on actual force or mutually advantage-

ous trade (symbiosis) as little as possible. This should be

nearly self-evident, but is generally overlooked due to the

moral codes we elitists foist on our subjects. Let me give a

few examples in case the moral culture has to some extent

impaired your powers of objective observation. Camouflage

is universal among predators and victims alike. Blossoms

imitate fragrances and colors which are sexually attractive to

certain insects in order to effect pollination. Dogs bark fero-

ciously and feign attack on enemies of whom they are, in

fact, terrified. The Venus Fly Trap plant lures flies to their

deaths. Men proclaim their altruism to others and even

themselves while they selfishly scramble for personal advan-

tage. If you doubt that fraud is normal in nature you should

read section 3 of the first chapter of Robert Ardrey's, The

Social Contract for a wealth of fascinating examples. (Of

course Ardrey fails tn grasp the full application to contempor-

ary human society of his brilliant insights into man's animal

nature.)

   Human mental prowess and communicative powers have

merely provided superb elaboration on nature's old theme of

fraud and added its own distinctive feature: self delusion.

Primitive animal hierarchies are based on bluff and bluster,

and each member is well aware of and accepts, at least tem-

porarily, its position in the hierarchy. The same wild enthu-

siasm and fascination for dominance and submission rages in

human hearts. However, fraud is taken one step further. Not

only is fraudulent bluff and bluster used to achieve

dominance but fraudulent altruism and collective institutions

are used to conceal dominance once achieved. Human hier-

archies, in contrast to the animal variety, are best sustained

when the members are deluded regarding the oppressive na-

ture, or better, even the very existence of the hierarchy!

   Visible rulers are highly vulnerable. Thus we see visible

rulers claiming to be representatives of God, the common

good, the material forces of history, the general will (either

through vote or intuition), tradition, or other intellectual

"spooks" that serve to lessen the envy of the ruled for the

rulers. Encouraging such self delusions among the masses of

the ruled is universal for visible governments. However, such

spooks are little protection for the leaders of such systems

against their sophisticated elite rivals and no protection

against men like your father. The Roman Empire was

unquestioned by the mass of its subjects for centuries, but

the Emperors lived in constant fear of coup and assassina-

tion .

   By embracing deception wholeheartedly at every level,

finance capitalism, or rule through money, has fashioned

the ultimate system yet devised for the secure exercise of

power. Men like your father, the hidden masters of finance

capitalism, govern those who govern, produce, and think

through invisible financial tentacles, the operations of which

will be elucidated later by my colleagues. Dominance in all

aspects of society is surreptitiously accomplished while the

great majority of the ruled, and even most of the visible

leaders, believe themselves to be fairly autonomous, if

harried, members of a pluralistic society. Nearly everyone

believes major decisions to be the vector sum of autonomous

pressures exerted by business, labor, government, consum-

ers, social classes, and other special interests. In fact, the

vectors of societal power are carefully balanced by us so that

any net movement is in a direction chosen by us. The only fly

in the ointment is the occasional, but extremely messy,

interferences by competing financial dynasties. This discon-

certing problem will not be a major topic for this weekend.

   I now yield to Professor Q. who will elucidate the central

secrets of your father's immense money power.

                             **2**

                     PROFESSOR Q. ON OCCULT

                        KNOWLEDGE AS THE

                          KEY TO POWER

"The theory of aggregate production which is the

point of the following book, nevertheless can be

much easier adapted to the conditions of a totalitar-

ian state than the theory of production and distribu-

tion of a given production put forth under conditions

of free competition. . ."

                             John Maynard Keynes

                             Forward to the German

                             Edition of the

                             General Theory

                             September 7, 1936

   Throughout history, secure ruling elites arise through se-

cret, or occult knowledge which they carefully guard and

withhold from outsiders The power of such elites or cults

diminishes as their occult knowledge is transformed into

"scientific" knowledge and vanishes as soon as it becomes

"common sense." Before analyzing the secrets of the finance

capitalist money cult let us glance for historical perspective

at occult astronomy, the oldest source of stable rule known to

man of which astrology is hut the pathetic remnant.

   

   As soon as men abandoned the life of wandering, tribal

hunters to till the soil they needed to predict the seasons.

Such knowledge was required in order to know when to

plant, when to expect floods in fertile valleys, when to expect

rainy seasons, and so on. Months of back breaking work were

wasted by the unavailability of the calendar, a convenience

we take for granted. The men who first studied and grasped

the regularities of sun, moon, and stars that presage the

seasons had a valuable commodity to sell and they milked it

to the fullest at the expense of their credulous fellowmen.

The occult priesthoods of early astronomers and mathemati-

cians such as the designers of Stonehenge, convinced their

subjects that they alone had contact with the gods, and thus,

they alone could assure the return of planting seasons and

weather favorable to bountiful harvests. The staging

(predicting) of solar and lunar eclipses was particularly

effective in awing the community The general success

resulting from following the priesthood's tilling, planting,

nurturing, and harvesting time tables insured the priest-

hood's power. Today's Christmas holiday season continues

the tradition set by ancient priesthoods, who conducted

rituals on the winter solstice to reverse the retreat of the sun

from the sky.  Their invariable success was followed by wild

celebrations.  Popular knowledge of seasonal regularities was

discouraged by every manner of mysticism and outlandish

ritual imaginable.  Failures in prediction were blamed on sins

of the people and used to justify intensified oppression.  For

centuries people who had literally no idea of the number of

days between seasons and couldn't count anyway, cheerfully

gave up a portion of their harvests, as well as their most

beautiful daughters, to their "faithful servants" in the priest-

hoods .

   The power of our finance capitalist money cult rests on a

similar secret knowledge, primarily in the field of economics.

Our power is weakened by real advances in economic science.

(Fortunately, the public at large and most revolutionaries

remain totally ignorant of economics.  However, we estab-

lished money lords have been able to prolong and even

reverse our decline by systematically corrupting economic

science with fallacious and spurious doctrines. Through our

power in the universities, publishing, and mass media we

have been able to reward the sincere, professorial cranks

whose spurious doctrines happen to rationalize in terms of

"common good" the government supported institutions, laws,

and economic measures upon which our money powers

depend. Keynesianism is the highest form of phoney

economics yet developed to our benefit. The highly centraliz-

ed, mixed economy resulting from the policies advocated by

Lord Keynes for promoting "prosperity" has all the

characteristics required to make our rule invulnerable to our

twin nemeses: real private competition in the economic arena

and real democratic process in the political arena. Laissez-

faire or free market, classical economics was our original at-

tempt to corrupt economic science Its beautiful internal con-

sistency blinded economists for many years to the fact that it

had virtually nothing to do with current reality. However,

we are so powerful today that it is no longer possible to

conceal our imposing institutions with the appearances of free

competition Keynesianism rationalizes this omnipotent state

which we require, while retaining the privileges of private

property on which our power ultimately rests. Although the

interim reforms advocated by Marx in his Communist

Manifesto such as central banking, income tax, and other

centralizing measures can be corrupted to coincide exactly

with our requirements, we no longer allow Marxist move-

ments major power in developed countries. Our coercive in

institutions are already in place. Any real steps toward com-

munism would mean our downfall. Of course, phoney

Marxism is an excellent ideological veil in which to cloak our

puppet dictators in underdeveloped areas.

   Secondarily, the power of the lords of money rests on an

occult knowledge in the area of politics and history. We have

quite successfully corrupted these sciences. Although many

people are familiar with our secrets through such books as

1984 by the disillusioned George Orwell, few take them seri-

ously and usually dismiss such ideas as paranoia. Since real

politics is motivated by individual self-interest, history is

viewed most accurately as a struggle for power and wealth

We do our best to obscure this self-evident truth by

popularizing the theory that history is made by the imper-

sonal struggles between ideas, political systems, ideologies,

races, and classes.  Through systematic infiltration of all

major intellectual, political, and ideological organizations,

using the lure of financial support and instant publicity, we

have been able to set the limits of public debate within the

ideological requirements of our money power

   The so-called Left-Right political spectrum is our creation.

In fact, it accurately reflects our careful, artificial polariza-

tion of the population on phoney issues that prevents the

issue of our power from arising in their minds. The Left

supports civil liberties and opposes economic or entrepre-

neural liberty. The Right supports economic liberty and op-

poses civil liberty. Of course neither can exist fully (which is

our goal) without the other. We control the Right-Left

conflict such that both forms of liberty are suppressed to the

degree we require Our own liberty rests not on legal or

moral "rights," but on our control of the government

bureaucracy and courts which apply the complex, subjective

regulations we dupe the public into supporting for our

benefit .

   Innumerable meaningless conflicts to divert the attention

of the public from our operations find fertile ground in the

bitter hatreds of the Right(c)Left imbroglio. Right and Left are

irreconcilable on racial policy, treatment of criminals, law 

enforcement, pornography, foreign policy, women's lib, and

censorship to name just a few issues. Although censorship in

the name of "fairness" has been useful in broadcasting and

may yet be required in journalism, we generally do not take

sides in these issues. Instead we attempt to prolong the

conflicts by supporting both sides as required. War, of

course, is the ultimate diversionary conflict and the health of

our system. War provides the perfect cover of emergency

and crisis behind which we consolidate our power. Since

nuclear war presents dangers even to us, more and more we

have resorted to economic crisis, energy shortages, ecological

hysteria, and managed political drama to fill the gap. Mean-

ingless, brushfire wars, though, remain useful.

   We promote phoney free enterprise on the Right and

phoney democratic socialism on the Left. Thus, we obtain a

"free enterprise" whose "competition" is carefully regulated

by the bureaucracy we control and whose nationalized enter-

prises are controlled directly through our government. In this

way we maintain a society in which the basis of our power,

legal titles to property and money, remain secure, but in

which the peril of free, unregulated competition is avoided

and popular sovereignty is nullified. The democratic process

is a sitting duck for our money power. Invariably we

determine the candidates of the major parties and then

proceed to pick the winners. Any attempts at campaign

reforms simply put the rules of the game more firmly under

our government's control.

   Totalitarianism of the fascist of communist varieties is no

danger to us as long as bastions of private property remain

to serve as our bases of operation. Totalitarian governments

of both Right and Left, because of the vulnerability of their

highly visible leaders to party rivals, can be manipulated

easily from abroad. Primarily, totalitarian dictatorships ef-

ficiently prevent new money lords that could challenge our

power from arising in whole continents, civilizations, and

races.

   Perhaps a few words on ideology proper are in order

before I conclude. The only valid ideology, of course is

rational egoism, that is, the maximization of the individual's

gratification by whatever means prove practical. This

requires power over nature, especially, when possible, power

over other humans who are the most versatile and valuable

tools of all. Fortunately, we do not have a society of egoists.

Money lords would be impossible in such a society as the

mental spooks and rationalizations by which we characteris-

tically manipulate and deceive would be a laughing stock

Under such circumstances a policy of live and let live or true

"laissez(c)faire" anarchy might be the only alternative

Certainly a hierarchical order would be difficult to maintain

by force alone. However, in the current era, while minds are

yet in the thrall of altruistic collectivistic, and divine

moralistic spooks, the egoist's rational course is to utilize

such spooks to control others.

   The next speaker, Professor M., will detail the key in-

stitution of our power: Central Banking.

                             **3**

                      PROFESSOR M. ON THE

                         ECONOMICS OF

                        CENTRAL BANKING

   "It (a bank) can take the depositors' goods, the

goods that it holds for safekeeping, and lend them

out to people on the market. It can earn interest on

these loans, and as long as only a small percentage

of depositors ask to redeem their certificates at any

one time, no one vs the wiser.  Or, alternatively, it

can issue pseudo warehouse receipts for goods that

are not there and lend these on the market. this is

the more subtle practice. the pseudo receipts will

be exchanged on the same basis as the true receipts,

since there is no indication on their face whether

they are legitimate or not.

   It should be clear that this practice is outright

fraud."

                -Murray Rothbard

                 Man, Economy, and State

"The bold effort the present bank has made to

control the Government, the distress it has wantonly

produced,. . ., are but premonitions of the fate

that awaits the American People should they be

deluded into a perpetuation of this institution (The

Bank of the United States), or the establishment of

another like it. ''

             

               -Andrew Jackson

                December 2, 1834

   As you have a doctorate degree in economics from a great

university I will touch as lightly as my verbosity allows

on facts accepted by economic "science" and proceed to occult

aspects of Central Banking.

   

   Since the division of labor is the key to all human achieve-

ment and satisfaction, a system of exchange is crucial. Barter

is hopelessly complicated. A command economy, in which

each does and receives what be is told, is also hopelessly

cumbersome and fails to take advantage of individual initia-

tive, ability, and concrete knowledge. A medium of

exchange, money, is the obvious solution. (Even our highly

centralized economies on the socialist model now enthusias-

tically embrace money as an indispensable simplifying tool in

their economic planning.)

   When left to themselves people of a given geographical

area settled upon a durable luxury commodity, usually gold

or silver, to use as money. Because money is a store of value

as well as a medium of exchange, people saved part of their

gold income rather than spending it all. This gold was often

stored in the vaults of a local goldsmith, the precursor of the

modern banker, for safe keeping. The depositor received a

receipt that entitled him to an equal quantity and quality of

gold on demand from the goldsmith. At some point the

goldsmith realized that there was no reason he could not loan

out some of the gold for interest as long as he kept gold on

hand sufficient to meet the fairly predictable withdrawal

rate. After all, be simply promised to pay on demand, not

bold the gold as such. Better yet, be could simply issue more

receipts for gold than be bad gold and the receipts, renamed

notes, could circulate freely among the populace as money.

However, be soon found that there was a definite limit set on

this process by reality. Not all the extra notes issued

circulated forever among the public. The rate of note re-

demption began to increase rapidly as the receipts passed

into the hands of people unfamiliar with his reputation and

especially when competitive goldsmiths, always eager for

more gold reserves, came into possession of his notes. To

prevent a disastrous run on his gold reserves, note issuance

had to be kept within bounds. But the spending power of

over-issuance was a grave temptation. Especially relished was

the power over governments, industry, and merchants that

the miraculous loan power of the goldsmith could obtain.

Many succumbed to temptation, overextended themselves

and brought ruin to their depositors while others slowly

became wealthy bankers by pursuing conservative loan policies.

   At this point, according to economic "science," Central

Banks are instituted to protect the public from periodic

financial catastrophe at the hands of unscrupulous fractional

reserve bankers. Nothing could be further from the truth.

Central Banks are established to remove the limitation on

over issuance that reality places on competitive banking

systems. As early as ancient Babylon and India, Central

Banking, the art of monopolizing the issuance of money, had

been developed into a perfect method for looting the general

public. Even today many bankers copy the traditions of the

earlier exploitive priesthoods and design their banks to re-

semble temples! Defenses of Central Banking are simply part

of the deception that lies at the heart of all power elites.

   Let us look at the way a new Central Bank is created

where none has existed previously. We bankers approach the

Prince or ruling assembly (both of whom always want more

money to fight wars or to curry favor with the people and,

typically, are ignorant of economics) with a compelling

proposal: "Grant our bank a national Charter to regulate

private banking and to issue legal tender notes, that is, force

our notes to be accepted as payment for all debts, pubic and

private. In exchange we will provide the government all the

notes it prudently requires at interest rates easily payable

with existing taxes. The increased government purchasing

power thus created will simultaneously assure the power an

prestige of the currently precarious nation and stimulate the

sluggish, credit starved economy to new heights of

prosperity. Most important the violent banking panics and

credit collapses caused by unscrupulous private bankers will

be replaced by our even handed, beneficent and scientific

management of money and banking. Our public spirited

expertise will be at the disposal of the state while we remain

independent enough of momentary political pressures to

assure sound management."

   For a while this system seems to work remarkably well

with full employment for everyone. The government an

public does not notice that we issuers of the new notes are

using the notes we create out of thin air to surreptitiously

build economic empires at the expense of established

interests. Because of the legal tender laws, few of the new

notes issued by the Central Bank are returned for

redemption in gold. In fact, private banks and even a few

foreign banks may begin to use the Central Bank's notes as

reserves for further issuance of credit. Soon enough, though,

prices begin to rise as the added notes increase demand

relative to the quantity of goods and services. As the value

of their savings decline more and more foreigners in

particular begin to question the value of the Central Bank's

notes and start to demand redemption in gold. We, of course

do not take responsibility for the rampant inflation when it

comes.  We blame inflation on evil speculators who drive up

prices for personal gain, as well as the greed of organized

labor and business who are promptly made subject to wage

and price controls. Even the consumer can be made to feel

guilty for agreeing to pay the high prices! Mistaking

symptoms for causes the government accepts the banker's

analysis of the problem and continues to give the Bank free

reign in monetary policy.

   By slowing the rate of note issuance periodically,v the

ultimate crisis stage is postponed until many decades after

the original Central Bank Charter was granted. Before the

rapidly dwindling gold reserves on which faith in our Bank

depends is exhausted we abruptly contract our loan volume

to private industry and government as well.  With the

contraction of the money supply a great deflationary crash

begins in earnest with all its attendant unemployment, bank-

ruptcies, and civil strife. We do not take responsibility for

the depression. We blame it on evil hoarders who are

refusing to spend their money and the prophets of doom who

are spoiling business confidence. The government accepts

this analysis and leaves monetary policy in our hands. If

things go well we bankers channel the fury and unrest into

puppet movements and pressure groups that carry our

agents into full control of the government. Once in charge we

devalue our outstanding bank notes in terms of gold and

make them inconvertible for all but possibly foreign Central

Banks and begin plans to restore a "prosperity" that will be

totally ours.

   When lucky, we are able to confiscate the gold of private

citizens as punishment for hoarding during the climax of the

depression.

   Once the old order is subdued during the chaos of the

crash and desperation of the depression, the field is open for

our full finance capitalist system to be realized. If the money

lords behind the Central Bank can avoid lapsing into political

and economic competition among themselves a new and

lasting order can be established. A war timed for this period

of consolidation provides the perfect excuse for the regimen-

tation required to crush all opposition.

   Professor B., a former Chairman of a Central Bank, will

explain the functioning of the Central Plank in the typical,

fully developed finance capitalist system.

                             **4**

                      PROFESSOR B. ON THE

                        FUNCTION OF THE

                      CENTRAL BANK IN THE

                        MATURE FINANCE

                       CAPITALIST SYSTEM

"We are undone, my dear sir, if legislation is still

permitted which makes our money, much or little,

real or imaginary, as the moneyed interests shall

choose to make it."

                -Thomas Jefferson

"From now on depressions will be scientifically

created."

                -Congressman Charles A.

                 Lindberg, Sr.-1923

   In its pristine form a Central Bank is a private monopoly

of a nation's money and credit issuance supported by the

coercive power of the state. That the Central Bank be direct-

ly in our hands is vital until our new order is firmly

established throughout the governmental, business, intellect-

ual and political spheres of society. After our order is

consolidated, formal nationalization of the Central Bank with

great fanfare is usually advisable in order to dispel any

lingering suspicion that it is operated for private gain. Of

course only loyal agent.s of the dynasty are allowed to obtain

high offices in the Bank and our power remains intact.

Obvious private monopolies are always the targets of sharp

reformist agitators. Only the most paranoid, however, can

see through the public facade to the private monopoly of the

nationalized or quasi-nationalized Central Bank.

   The Central Bank is the primary monopoly on which all

our monopoly power depends. The occult power of the

Central Bank to create money out of nothing is the fountain-

head that fuels our far flung financial and political empire. I

will make a quick survey of a few of the ways this secret

money power is brought to bear.

   Basically, the power of our Central Bank flows from its

control over the points of entry into the economy of new.

inflationary money which it creates out of thin air. Ordinar-

ily, bills of exchange, acceptances, private bonds, govern-

ment honds and other credit instruments are purchased by

the Central Bank through specially privileged dealers in

order to put the new money, often only checking accounting

entries, into circulation. The dealers are allowed a large

profit since they are fronts operated by our agents. Our pur-

chase of government securities pleases the government, as

our purchase of private debt pleases private debtors. As a

quid pro quo to assure "good management" our agents are

given directorships, managerial posts, and offices in the cor-

porations and government's so benefitted. As the addiction to

the narcotic of inflationary easy credit grows and grows we

demand more and more control of our dependent entourage

of governments and corporations. When we finally end the

easy credit to "combat inflation" the enterprises and govern(c)

ments either fall directly into our hands, bankrupt, or are

rescued at the price of total control.

   Also, we ruling bankers control the flow of money in the

economy through the wide authority of the Central Bank to

license, audit, and regulate private banks. Banks that loan to

interests outside the loyal entourage are "audited" by the

Central Bank and found to be dangerously overextended.

Just a hint of insolvency from the respected Central Bank

authorities is enough to cause a run on the disobedient bank

or at least dry up its vital lines of credit. Soon the banking

establishment learns to follow the hints and nods of your

father's agents at the Central Bank automatically.

   Further, the periodic cycles of easy money and tight

money that we initiate through our control of the Central

Bank cause corresponding fluctuations in all markets. Our

inner circle knows in advance the timing of these cycles and,

therefore reaps windfall profits by speculating in commodity,

stock, currency, gold, and bond markets. Monopolistic stock

and commodity Exchanges are a vital adjunct to our power

made possible by our Central Bank power. We do not allow a

fair auction market to exist, but make a great show of

"tough" government regulation to create a false sense of

confidence among small investors. With the aid of our regula-

tory charade and financial power we are able to maintain

Exchanges tailored to our entourage's need to manipulate

stock prices at the expense of independent investors. Our

privileged specialists on the floors of our Exchanges, aided

by the propaganda of our financial press and brokerage

houses, continually play on naivete and greed to drain the

savings of the unwary into our coffers. The stock, commodi-

ties, and securities held in trading accounts by the Exchange

and brokerage houses provides us with a clout far beyond our

own actual holdings with which we can manipulate prices and

win proxy fights for corporate takeovers.

   Little danger to our lucrative racket exists from public

spirited regulation. Our manipulations are so complex that

only the most brilliant experts could comprehend them. To

most economists our Exchange operations appear to be

helpful efforts to "stabilize" the market. We ruling bankers,

if able to keep peace among ourselves, become richer and

richer as time passes without the annoyance of exerting

productive effort of benefit to others.

   The next speaker, Professor G. will discuss the secrets of

social legislation and policy that do so much to cement our

power.

                       **5**

               PROFESSOR G. ON SOCIAL

                   AND BUSINESS

               LEGISLATION AND POLICY

"There is no proletarian, not even a Communist,

movement, that has not operated in the interests of

money, in the direction indicated by money, and for

the time being permitted by money--and that

without the idealists among its leaders having the

slightest suspicion of the fact. "

            -Oswald Spengler

             Decline of the West

"Also at the (SDS) convention, men from Business

International Roundtables .... tried to buy up

some radicals. These are the world's leading indus-

trialists and they convene to decide how our lives

are going to go .....

We were also offered Esso (Rockefeller) money.

They want us to make a lot of radical commotion so

they can look more in the center as they move to

the left."

            -James Kunen

             The Strawberry Statement:

             Notes of a College

             Revolutionary

  The danger to our system clearly is not that the "people"

will spontaneously rise up and dispossess us. The "peo-

ple" never initiate anything. All successful movements are

led from the top, usually without the knowledge of the move-

ment, by men like your father with vast resources and

brilliant plans. The real danger arises in the upper-middle

classes. Occasionally, these people make vast fortunes

through some brilliant technological innovation in their

business or through the favor of local politicians that escape

our influence. Because of their ignorance of the reality of our

power, however, the new rich usually fall easily into our

hands. For instance, they seldom realize until too late that

the dozens of loans they may owe to apparently independent

banks can be called simultaneously with a mere nod from

your father. Graver danger is presented by those whose

enterprises are so successful as to be self-financing. Since

the advent of the corporate income tax truly self-financing

corporations are extremely rare. Most disquieting is when

these upstarts acquire the covert or open support and advice

of your father's major international antagonists. This is par-

ticularly dangerous in countries with long democratic tradi-

tions where it is difficult to make our arbitrary rulings stick.

   The best solution is to enact comprehensive taxes and

business regulations in the name of the common good. Such

measures reduce the incidence of significant upstart competi-

tion to manageable levels. This policy, of course, strangles

innovation and productivity. Reduction of the GNPs in

countries under your father's control would be acceptable in

the interests of secure power under the pretext of conserva-

tion, ecology. or no-growth stability except that if carried too

far your father's clout vis-a vis his international rivals would

be impaired. The most difficult problem for the money lord is

determining the level of social and economic freedom he

dares allow for the sake of his international power. Only

method is to maintain a home base of carefully monitored,

relative freedom on which to base the economic and military

strength required to maintain an empire of totalitarian dic-

tatorships abroad. The following measures, however, are

found necessary by nearly all money lords:

1. Steeply Graduated Income Tax. Income tax does not affect

us because our money was accumulated before the tax was

imposed and most of it is now safely protected in our

network of tax exempt foundations. Foundation income and

capital can legally be used to finance the bulk of our social,

economic, literary, and even political propaganda. In a pinch

it is easily diverted to illegal uses. Expensive "studies"

required by our profitable economic operations can be legiti-

mately financed through foundations.

   To the middle classes, however. income tax makes life

into an endless treadmill. Even the most productive find

themselves unable to accumulate significant capital. They are

forced into the clutches of our Central Bank entourage for

injections of the inflationary credit which we are privileged

to create out of nothing. The self-financing wealth of the

legendary 19th Century robber barons and early Twentieth

Century tycoons is no longer possible. Although your grand

father owed his start to just those wide-open conditions, he

was among the first of the super-rich to advocate the

erection of the tax wall that is now in place. Please note that

in democratic countries eternal vigilance is required to

prevent our tax shield from being riddled with loop holes by

conniving legislators, who are usually of the tax oppressed,

upper-middle class origins themselves.

2. Business Regulation. When upstarts slip through our

financial tentacles and tax shields, perhaps with the aid of

outsiders, a second line of defense becomes vital licensing in

the crucial area of broadcasting has proven particularly

necessary. This makes serious upstart-led mass political

challenge impossible. Harassment by bureaucrats armed with

arbitrary and voluminous industrial safety regulations is a

new and increasingly effective technique. Security registra-

tion requirements, "to protect the small investor," can cause

fatal delays in an upstart's ability to raise capital on the stock

market. Ecological considerations are easily perverted to

stymie the plans of those who would upset the stability of

our carefully planned system.

   Anti-trust law, however, is our ultimate weapon. The

handy doctrine of "pure and perfect" competition which we

have fostered in our universities is ideally suited to convict-

mg any successful competitor, at our discretion. If the

competitor charges a lower price than ours he is accused of

"unfair competition" aimed at driving us from the field to

impair future competition. If he asks the same price as we

he is open to the charge of collusion. If he charges more than

us, he is obviously exploiting his "monopoly power" at the

expense of the consumer. Fortunately, the rulings of our

bureaucrats are so complicated that even when successfully

appealed in court many years elapse before the ruling is

rendered. By then our goals are often achieved through

harassment.

   Product quality, safety, and testing regulations are

excellent methods by which we insulate our established

industries from potential competition. Beside raising the

costs of entry into the auto business, for instance, the cost of

"safety" can be passed to the consumer along with a healthy

profit mark-up.

3. Subsidies, Tariffs, and Foreign Aid. Although direct sub-

sidies can occasionally be procured for our entourage of cor-

porations by appealing to the masses' desire to preserve jobs,

this exploitive technique is usually too obvious. Tariffs are

easily passed, but lead to retaliation against our foreign

holdings. Foreign aid and soft (sure to be defaulted) govern-

ment guaranteed loans, however, fill the bill perfectly under

modern conditions. Foreign aid maintains our empire of for-

eign dictators abroad while providing guaranteed, highly

profitable sales to our corporations at home base. Foreign aid

should always be contingent on the purchase of goods,

usually military hardware, that only our entourage of firms

can provide. Few have the courage to oppose such altruistic

aid to the "starving masses" of the "third world."

4. Centralization of Power. Real division of power between

national, state, and local government is dangerous to our

system. When local politicians have real autonomy, even in

limited spheres, they can do much to enable upstarts to

challenge our power. Our program is to bring all levels of

government under our sway through such innovations as

federal aid, revenue sharing, high federal taxation, and

regional government.

5. Alliance with the Lower Classes. In order to keep our

valuable regulatory machinery in place and under our control

we must have the mass support of the numerous lower

classes against our vigorous, but scarce middle-class rivals.

The best method is to provide the lower classes with sub-

sidies at the expense of the middle class. This creates a

mutual hatred that prevents the middle class from appealing

effectively to the lower classes for support. Social security,

free health care, unemployment benefits, and direct welfare

payments, while doing nothing for us directly, create a de-

pendent class whose support for our critical measures can

easily be made part of a package deal. Please note also that

the major labor unions began with our financing and are led

to this day by leaders of our choosing. No one can rise to or

remain at the top of a rough and tumble union without our

financial backing. In spite of their rebellious rhetoric, bought

union leaders are the source of our power over the manage-

ment of firms with widely held stock. Unions are the ultimate

weapon for destroying otherwise invulnerable, self-financing

rivals. Further, downward flexibility of wages and prices

which obtains without widespread unionization would in-

crease the ability of the economy to survive without our aid

during the economic crises we create.

   Bread and circuses are as useful today as in Roman times

for mobilizing the mob against our staid adversaries. Next,

Professor D. will describe our education policies.

                             **6**

                      PROFESSOR D. ON THE

                         ROLE OF PUBLIC

                           EDUCATION

   "In our dreams we have limitless resources and the

people yield themselves with perfect docility to our

molding hands. The present educational conventions

fade from our minds, and unhampered by tradition,

we work our good will upon a grateful and respon-

sive rural folk . . . The task we set before ourselves

is a beautiful one, to train these people as we find

them to a perfectly ideal life just as they are. So we

will organize our children into a little community and

teach them to do in a perfect way the things their

fathers and mothers are doing in an imperfect way

in the home, in shop, and on the farm."

             -The objective of Rockefeller

              "philanthropies" stated by him and

              Gates in Occasional Letter No. 1 of

              Rockefeller's General Education Board.

"A general state education is a mere contrivance for

molding people to be exactly like one another; and

as the mold in which it casts them is that which

pleases the predominant power in the government-

whether this be a monarch, a priesthood, an aristoc-

racy, or the majority of the existing generation--in

proportion as it is efficient and successful, it estab-

lishes a despotism over the mind, leading by natural

tendency to one over the body."

             -John Stuart Mill

   In order to maintain our system of power, the institution

of universal public education is indispensable. The an-

archy of private education in which any manner of dangerous

ideas could be spread cannot be tolerated. Thus we make

private education financially impossible to all but the few

mostly the elite offspring of our financial entourage, by means

of burdensome taxation and regulation. The primary purpose

of public education is to inculcate the idea that our crucial

institutions of coercion and monopoly were created for the

public good by popular national heroes to blunt the past

power of the malefactors of great wealth. Crucial is to create

the impression that, although the people have been exploited

in the past, today the wealthy are at the mercy of an all-

powerful government which is firmly in the hands of the

people or do-gooding liberals.

   For those of more sophistication who reject this Pollyanna

view of reality, we promote the "liberal reformer mentality"

which holds that a new era of reform is on the verge of

crushing forever the last vestiges of money lordism. Of

course, the reforms, after taking shape as a bewildering

myriad of regulatory agencies and taxes, are found to be

ineffective in subordinating our power to the popular will,

whereupon we stir up another era of progressive reform.

   Our contrived Left-Right spectrum which our compulsory

education helps to make universal is valuable in assuring that

this charade does not get out of hand. The Pollyannas in the

middle are neither dangerous nor useful in this endeavor.

What is needed is a feeble, but persistent right-conservatism

to moderate and emasculate the liberal reforms. Conserva-

tives tend to resist all the advances in centralized, govern-

ment power that we lead the liberals to see as necessary in

order to totally end the "undemocratic" power of money in

society. Conservatism would rather promote a "pluralism" of

competing interests in which money is the medium of compe-

tition than risk the excesses of "big government," When

"liberal" reforms show signs of exceeding our intentions and

actually threaten to place our key institutions in the hands of

the people, we can always count on the conservatives to

defend our power under the illusion that they are defending

the legitimate rights of "free-enterprise capitalists." On the

rare occasions when conservatives call for subjecting our

enterprises to laissez-faire competition, we can count on the

dominant liberal reformers to insist on more government

interference, unaware of our desire for such, in effect, self-

administered regulation.

   

   The Right has such a fear of the Left's dream of democra-

tic collectivism and the Left such a hatred for what it sees as

the Right's elitist, rugged individualism that there is little

danger that they will ever join forces to overturn our govern-

ment-backed monopolies even though we violate the ideals of

both left and right.

    Centralization of control at the state, or preferably

national level, assists in building the climate of opinion we

require in public education. Failing to obliterate local control,

other methods nearly as effective are available. Our over-

whelming financial clout in the publishing industry can induce

relatively uniform textbook selection. Further leverage can

be created by promoting teacher colleges and teaching

machines. National teacher's associations and unions are also

an excellent power base from which to foster our programs

of indoctrination.

    With our great influence in publishing and publicity we

are able to, selectively popularize educational theorists whose

views are incidentally beneficial, compatible, or at least not

in conflict with our own goals. This way we obtain sincere,

energetic activists to propagate our desires without having to

reveal our motives or even existence. We do not want an

educational system that produces hard-driving individuals

bent on amassing great wealth and power. Therefore, we

discourage education that would develop the potential powers

of students to their fullest.  "Liberal" education that stresses

knowledge for its own sake or even sophistry and sterile

mental gymnastics is of no danger to us. "Relevant,"

vocational, or career oriented education also poses no danger

to our power. Education that prepares students to accept a

cog-like existence in our military-industrial-social-welfare-

regulation complex is ideal. Progressive education with its

stress on "social adjustment" also produces the conformity

we require of our subjects. Emphasis on competitive sports

may produce a certain amount of disruptive competitiveness

among the participants, but primarily has the effect of

creating life-long voyeuristic spectators who will enthusias-

tically sublimate their competitiveness into endless hours of

following college and professional sports on the boob tube.

Space spectaculars and dramatic political infighting are also

marvelous diversions with which to occupy the masses.

   Anyone seeking social change will gravitate to the field of

education. Our strategy is simple: Let only those succeed

whose influence would be compatible with our power. En-

courage all who would develop the passive or receptive mode

of existence. Discourage all who promote the aggressive or

active capacities. Build a great cult of salvation through end-

less education, touting it as the "democratic" path to success

Deride the frontal approach to success of the "outmoded';

rugged individualist.

   Before yielding the floor to Professor X., who will discuss

the role of secret societies and prestigious clubs, I would like

to comment on the demise of religious education as a vehicle

for social control. Religion, in its time, was a remarkable

weapon for inculcating subservience, altruism, and self-abne-

gation among our subjects. We did not give up this weapon

voluntarily. Your grandfather, for one, supported the Baptist

faith well after most finance capitalists had turned wholly to

secular ideologies. However, a trend toward rationality in

human affairs plods along inexorably quite outside the reach

of our power. Only in our totalitarian dictatorships can this

trend be quashed entirely. In the semi-open societies in

which our money power is based, the forces of reason can

only be impeded and diverted. Some have theorized that,

eventually, widespread rational egoism will overturn our

order. I am confident that secular faiths and just plain confu-

sion will suffice to sustain our power for many centuries to

come.

                              **7**

                         PROFESSOR X. ON

                           PRESTIGIOUS

                         ASSOCIATIONS AND

                         SECRET SOCIETIES

"Every compulsion is put upon writers to become

safe, polite, obedient, and sterile. In protest, I de-

clined election to the National Institute of Arts and

Letters some years ago, and now I must decline the

Pulitzer Prize. "

            -Upton Sinclair

"It is useless to deny, because it is impossible to

conceal, that a great part of Europe--the whole of

Italy and France and a great portion of Germany, to

say nothing of other countries--is covered with a

network of these secret societies, just as the super-

ficies of the earth is now being covered with rail-

roads."

            -Benjamin Disraeli

             (Earl of Beaconsfield)

             July 14, 1856

   In preserving and protecting our grasp on nations we 

must exert veiled control of all major opinion molding

associations and especially prestigious clubs which attract the

leaders in various fields and do so much to influence the dis-

pensing of commanding positions in government and

business. Associations of the leading scholars, businessmen,

writers, religionists, artists, bureaucrats, newsmen, ideolo-

gists, publishers, broadcasters, and professional men as well

as special interest groups representing laborers, farmers,

consumers, racial minorities, and so on must be subtly kept

under the broad limits of our sway. Since membership dues

and fees are never sufficient to support their ambitious ac-

tivities, voluntary, non-profit organizations are easy prey for

the nearly unlimited financial resources of our entourage.

However, our real motive, to further our political and econo-

mic power, must not be revealed in the process. Our policies

must be laboriously rationalized in terms compatible with

prevalent ideologies and moralities or the material advantage

of the groups involved. Leaders of such groups are remark-

ably quick to accept our rationalizations when financial

support is extended. We engage in outright bribery only as a

last resort, and then, only in extreme cases. Our long-range

interests are better served by temporarily postponing a

policy victory than by risking exposure of our power by at-

tempting outright bribery. In fact, clumsy bribery and intim-

idation attempts are characteristic of our foolish nouveau

riche opponents.

   As an example, if we decide that federal rather than state

chartering or licensing of corporations would further our

control over the economy, we would not simply order

politicians and opinion leaders to support our desires. Cor-

porations not relishing central control would be suspicious

that something was afoot and might expose our plot. Our

strategy would be as follows: 1. Sacrifice one of our less

competent management teams in a well-publicized corporate

scandal in order to focus attention on the "widespread

problem of corporate corruption under current, lax regula-

tions." 2. Through well-funded agents, thrust into the public-

ity spotlight intellectuals or groups who already support

federal licensing as a piecemeal step toward socialism. (One

can find pre-existing supporters for nearly any measure with

sufficient effort.) 3. After the issue is before the public, offer

to support through foundations the "objective" study of the

federal licensing proposals being discussed with an eye

toward proposing legislation. Often, simultaneous support for

studies by disreputable, irrational groups who will oppose the

proposal is useful as well. Provide no platform for

well-reasoned opposition. 4. When a ground swell of support

appears to be building provide the interested lobbying organ-

izations with plenty of funds to grease the palms of politi-

cians. The enactment of the federal licensing law thus

appears as the will of society. Last ditch opposition automa-

tically appears mean spirited, obstructionist, reactionary, and

paranoid, serving only to discredit our opposition.

   In our fully developed system of finance capitalist thought

control and promotion control, our hierarchy of prestigious

associations is capped by a single prestige society: The

Council of World Affairs. This organization is a front for the

secret society of which your father is head. This secret

society is made up of the people who have spoken, plus six

others not present. You are replacing Professor Q. who is to

retire shortly. Eventually you will replace your father. We

thirteen are your father's advisors and only confidants. All

other agents are misled as to the bulk of our objectives and

motives. Their knowledge is restricted to the details required

by their assignments. The penalty for disloyalty is death.

   The Council is invaluable for propagating our policy deci-

sions to our entourage without revealing our motives and

strategy. In many instances, policy can he successfully sold

to our entourage and thus transmitted to the multitudes by

merely airing it along with appropriate rationalizations in a

single awe-inspiring session of the Council. The informal

power of the Council is such that our policy manipulations are

usually attainable without the clumsy exercises in brute

power that invariably snag the independent power seekers.

The Council is at the heart of what is called the Establish-

ment and we are at the heart of the Council.

   At the Council's inception, we worked hard to attract the

successful of all fields with all the prestige that our money

power could buy. We had to work hard convincing the

independent, self-made Council members to move in harmony

with our policy objectives. We had many failures. Now

everything is changed. Membership is no longer a reward for

success as much as it is a prerequisite for major success.

Without Council membership only the most outstanding can

achieve national prominence. With membership, glaring

mediocrities, with the "right" attitudes, achieve prominence.

In fact. mediocrities are much more adapted to propagating

our policy rationalizations and less likely to detect and oppose

our ulterior motives. A power lusting mediocrity is not likely

to judge his benefactors too harshly or inquire diligently into

the nature of the power structure that brought him what he

fears was undeserved success. The vanity of even idealistic,

committed humanitarians militates against such a course.

   The Council is now a giant employment agency of loyal-

ists ready to parrot our public line from the commanding

posts of government, foundations, broadcasting, industry,

banking, and publishing. Although Council members are en-

couraged to take sides and bicker over the diversionary

issues we create to entertain and enfeeble the populace, their

solidarity in defending our power structure, root and branch,

when pressed is a sight to behold! And to think that most see

themselves as righteous defenders of the public good while

they dismiss whispered rumors of our power structure as

"kooky paranoia."

   Classical secret societies with elaborate circles within

circles no longer play a major role in finance capitalist power

structures. Most wide membership secret societies have

degenerated into middle class excuses for escaping the wife

and kids once a month for the company of men. But secret

societies were a major weapon of our bourgeoisie forebearers

in their struggle with the old feudal order of kings and

princes. Under authoritarian despotism of the old style, the

secret society was the only place a free thinking man could

express himself. Through threats of exposure, loyalty oaths,

patronage, deception, and rewards we bound such malcon-

tents into a fierce force for our revolution. The multitude of

degrees, occult mumbo-jumbo, and vague humanitarianism

concealed the real goals of our secret societies from the bulk

of the membership. The roles of the "Illuminated" Masonic

Lodges in European revolutions were decisive in our final

victory over the old order.

   I now yield the floor to Professor Y. who will discourse

on the real "secret societies" the Modern Finance Capitalist

State:  the National Security Institutions and Intelligence

Agencies.

                             **8**

                     PROFESSOR Y. ON COVERT 

                   OPERATIONS AND INTELLIGENCE

   In our fully developed state-capitalist systems we have found absolute

control of governmental intelligence gathering and covert operations to be

vital. 

   Besides providing a valuable tool in our struggle with rival dynasties,

such control is now an integral and necessary part of our day to day

operations. Large intelligence communities are inevitable, given the

system of all encompassing governments which we have imposed upon the

world during our ascent to power. Our power would be short-lived indeed if

the pervasive influence and power of these iron-disciplined intelligence

agencies fell into the hands of mere politicians, especially those beyond

our control. 

   We do not allow intelligence agencies to pursue the "national

interest," the way the public conceives "spies" to operate. Politicians

cannot be permitted to divert the power and influence of our intelligence

community from the esoteric requirements of our Money Power to petty

political struggles. 

   Neither nationalistic aspirations of races and peoples nor ideological

visions of intellectuals for humanity can be allowed to pervert

intelligence and covert operations. Our rationalizations, both within the

intelligence community and to the public at large, must be diverse and

flexible, but the intelligence community must further without exception

the inexorable goals we have set for humanity. 

   No crisis is more serious for our Money Power than an attempt by a head

of government to assume personal control of intelligence and operations or

to by-pass existing agencies by setting up parallel ones. Such intrusions

must be met decisively. Although a contrived scandal to remove the

offending politician from office is the first line of defense, we dare not

shrink from assassination when necessary. 

   Perhaps the most accurate overview of our intelligence community can be

achieved by visualizing it as a "nationalized secret society." Our

predecessors, in their struggle against the old order of kings and

princes, had to finance secret societies such as the Illuminati, Masons,

German Union, etc. out of their own pockets. 

 

   At great expense and risk such secret societies were able to infiltrate

the major governmental and private institutions of the nations that our

noble predecessors targeted for take over by the Money Power. Such

bureaucratic take-overs are expensive and time consuming. They can be

considered complete only when promotions, raises, and advancements are no

longer based on objective service to the stated organizational objectives,

but are in the hands of the infiltrating group and its secret goals. 

   How much easier it is for us, the inheritors of a fully developed

state- capitalist system! By appealing to "national security" we are able

to finance and erect secret societies of a colossal scope, far beyond the

wildest dreams of our path breaking predecessors. Besides the benefits of

public financing reaped by these "nationalized secret societies," we

obtain a decisive advantage from the fact that these our "spook"

operations are sanctioned by law! 

   Maintaining discipline, loyalty, and secrecy is no longer solely a

matter of propaganda, blackmail, patronage, and intimidation. Although

these remain important tools, especially in emergency cases, ordinary

discipline among initiates (now called agents) can be encouraged by

appealing to patriotism and can be enforced in courts of law by

prosecuting "national security violations." 

   As massive as our intelligence community has become in itself, we still

operate strictly on the finance capitalist principle of leverage. Just as

a rational finance capitalist never owns more stock in a corporation than

the bare minimum required for control, intelligence operatives are placed

only in as many key positions as are required to control the target

organizations. Our goal, after all, is agent control of all significant

organizations, not intelligence community member ship for the entire

population. 

   The organizational pattern of baffling "circles within circles,"

characteristic of classical secret societies, is retained and refined by

our intelligence community. That "one hand not know what the other is

doing" is essential to the success of our operations. In most cases, we do

not allow the operatives themselves to know the ultimate, and when

possible, even the short-range objectives of their assignments. 

   They operate under "covers" that disguise our goals not only from the

public and target groups, but from the agents themselves. For instance,

many agents operating under "left cover" are led to believe that the

agency, or at least their department, is secretly, but sincerely motivated

by socialistic ideology. Thus, they assume that the intelligence agency's

ultimate goal is to guide left-wing groups in "productive" directions,

even though they cannot always see how their own assignment fits into

those assumed goals. 

   Other "left-cover" agents, those with right-wing predilections, are

encouraged to believe the agency is simply "monitoring" violence prone,

subversive groups in order to protect the public. When such agents are

asked to participate in or even lead radical activity they assume that the

ultimate objective is to fully infiltrate and destroy the organization for

the good of the country. This is very seldom the case. We waste little or

no money protecting the "public" or defending the "nation." 

   Agents operating under "right-cover" are handled in symmetrical

fashion. Agents with right-wing prejudices are encouraged to believe the

agency is right-wing. Left-prejudiced agents are asked to operate under

"right- cover" in order to "monitor" dangerous rightist organizations.

Most intelligence agents remain blithely ignorant of the big picture which

is so clear to us from our spectacular vantage point. Very few have enough

information or intelligence to reason out how their specific and sometimes

baffling assignments promote the legislative, judicial, operational and

propaganda needs of our Money Power. Most would never try. They are paid

too much to think about such things. 

   Agents with a "gangster-cover" are of two types. First, there is the

sincere gangster that draws his salary from an intelligence agency. He b

led to believe that the gangland "Godfathers" control the government

agency for their own purposes. Actually, the situation is the opposite.

The agency controls the gangster for other purposes. Second, is the

sincere crime fighter who is led to believe that the agency is at tempting

to infiltrate and monitor the gangsters as a preliminary step to

destroying organized crime. Such "upstanding" agents commit many crimes in

their zeal to rid the country of organized crime! 

   To envision how we operate in this lucrative field, let's briefly look

at the mechanics of dope smuggling. Police and customs officials are told

to leave certain gangsters alone, even when transporting suspicious

cargoes. This is made to seem perfectly proper since it is well known that

secret police infiltrators of organized crime must participate in crimes

in order to gain the confidence of gangsters. 

   What customs agent would want to upset a carefully laid plan to

"set-up" the underworld kingpins of dope pushing! But the agent, as well

as the police who cooperate, are mistaken in believing that the purpose of

the assignment to help smuggle dope is ultimately to smash organized

crime. If he could see the big picture, as we can, the agent would see

that practically all our dope is smuggled by federal intelligence agents

and secret police! How ever could such a volume be transported safely?

Real harassment and prosecution is reserved for those who enter the field

without our approval. 

   Here is our organized crime strategy: On the one hand we pass laws to

ensure that mankind's favorite pastimes (vices) are illegal. On the other

hand, we cater to these "vices" at a huge monopoly profit with complete

immunity from prosecution. 

   A new and growing methodology of our intelligence community is psycho

and drug-controlled agents. Properly, these are referred to as "behavior

modified" agents, or, in the vernacular, "zombies." With the use of

hypnotic drugs, brain washing, sensory deprivation, small group

"sensitivity" training, and other behavior modification techniques, the

scope of which was hinted in the movie "Clockwork Orange," complete

personalities can be manufactured from scratch, to the specifications of

value structure profiles we design by computer to suit our purposes. Such

personalities are quite neurotic and unstable due to defects in our still

developing technology, but still useful for many purposes. 

   The primary virtue of "zombies," of course, is loyalty. Agents that are

subconsciously programmed for the assignment at hand cannot be conscious

traitors. All a "zombie" can do is reveal how compulsive and psychotic he

is with regard to his "cause." Even to trained psychologists he simply

appears to be the proverbial "lone nut." Although the "zombie" may have

memories of psychotherapy at a government agency when questioned under

hypnosis, this is unlikely to raise suspicion in the mind of

court-appointed psychologists. After all, "lone nuts" should be kept in

insane asylums and subjected to psychotherapy! At most, the government

hospital will be reprimanded for letting a loony loose before he was

cured. 

   Until our techniques can be perfected the use of "zombies" must be

restricted to "national dramas" designed to justify the growing power of

our centralized governments over the lives of our people. Most suicidal

radicals and "crazies" who so mysteriously avoid arrest for years at a

time are "zombies" conditioned to terrorize the public in the name of some

irrational ideology. After repeated doses of such terror, the public is

conditioned to accept the necessity of our intrusive police- state with

very little objection. 

   The way is clear for an accelerated program of behavior modification

research to be conducted mostly at public expense in the name of mental

health and rehabilitation. Such research can be conducted with little

complaint in prisons, refugee camps, drug rehabilitation centers,

government hospitals, veterans hospitals, and even public schools and day

care centers. Mental institutions, methadone maintenance centers, and

prisons are fertile fields for recruiting the deranged or drug addicted

persons most suitable for "zombie" conversions. Of course, only a few of

our most trusted agents actually participate in the creation of "zombies."

The brilliant researchers and experimenters who make most of the

break-throughs earnestly believe that their techniques are destined

strictly for the betterment of mankind. 

   Inevitably, a fraction of the population objects to behavior

modification as an infringement of man's "sacred" free-will even if they

are convinced that our intentions are benign. We carefully leak a few

scandals to satisfy such persons that our experiments are being kept

within bounds and that excesses are being stopped. Our artificial scandals

exposing the "excesses" of coercive psychology are carefully designed to

make the researchers seem incompetent and clumsy to the point of maiming

and killing their "patients." This effectively conceals the fantastic

strides we have made toward total behavioral control. Great things are

going to be possible in the future. 

   I now return the floor to your father for his concluding remarks.

                      MY CLOSING REMARKS

   My son, you surely have many questions about my strategy in the

seemingly momentous economic and political crises that are shaking

national and international affairs. You and I will begin handling them in

detail shortly. For tonight, let me be brief. Most of the current national

upheavals are stage-managed to consolidate our monopoly position in

government and business against the continual nuisance of economically

competent, but politically naive competitors. Likewise, most international

crises are managed to exert pressure on our obstreperous, reluctant puppet

dictators in underdeveloped areas. These events are fairly easy to manage.

I expect to place such management in your hands as soon as possible. 

   The real challenge lies in dealing with my international peers. These

are the real crises since they are crises of my power structure, not just

of my subject populations and puppets. In the vast chess game with my

peers there are no rules and no proven tactics. Mutual vulnerability,

alone, limits the conflict. My peers and I have labored for decades to

erect a world government and banking system under which we could all share

finance capitalism's millennium without the nightmare of internecine

warfare. With the advent of nuclear war a new world order seemed

particularly desirable. I say ostensibly we have labored for world

government because none of us are sure the others will ever voluntarily

surrender sovereignty to the group. The schedule set after the last World

War has not been met. So far, the world government idea has served mainly

to enthuse collectivist intellectuals, and secondarily to veil each

finance capitalist's maneuvers for supremacy from the rest. 

   The future course of finance capitalism is difficult to predict. Our

empires are too fragile to risk all-out battles for supremacy among

ourselves. Our power would dissipate to second echelon wealthy during the

struggle. Yet we continue to chip away at rival empires on the premise

that offense is the best defense. On the other hand, purely political

leaders are helpless before our money power. When Caesars arise, they are

of our making. 

   Perhaps our system will simply remain much as it is, secure on the

national level and disturbingly pluralistic at the international level,

until reason and egoism have developed among our populations to such an

extent that our occult technology of money power becomes obvious to all

who think and must yield to either anarchy or a more advanced form of

deception

                            

                          AFTERWORD

                      BY THE TRANSCRIBER

         "The names of some of these banking families are

          familiar to all of us and should be more so. They in-

          clude Baring, Lazard, Erlanger, Warburg, Schroder,

          Seligman, the Speyers, Mirabaud, Mallet, Fould,

          and above all Rothschild and Morgan."

          --Dr. Carroll Quigley

            Tragedy and Hope

   Any resemblance of these characters to persons living or

dead is purely coincidental. Any resemblance of their meth-

odology to that of real ruling elites is purely intentional. The

extent to which I represent or exaggerate the self-conscious,

intentional power technology of real politico-economic rulers

and their unity is for the reader to decide after studying

available empirical evidence.

   I am providing a bibliography of relevant historical works

to aid the curious reader. I have included no works written

from spurious pluralistic suppositions no one seems to

consider pluralism as a proposition requiring evidence since

they are flooding the market. Unfortunately, many works

listed affirm that ideas rather than individual struggles for

wealth and power propel history; that is, they view the elites

they observe ruling the world as ideologically motivated.

Thus we have the spectacle of the Right claiming that major

finance capitalists such as the Rockefellers or Rothschilds are

"communist" conspirators or "socialists." On the other hand,

we see the I,Left claiming that the same people are bent on

imposing laissez -faire capitalism, or in a slightly more

realistic vein, are fanatical proponents of fascism. Virulent

white racism is another ideology foolishly ascribed to the

ruling class by the Left. This opinion is nicely balanced by

the charge from the Right that the elite wants to "mongrel-

ize" and thus submerge the white race. As usual the elite,

completely free of prejudice, supports both sides of this

battle for its own ends.

   As should be clear by now, I believe that finance capital-

ists (Ferdinand Lundberg has dubbed them finpols, or

financial politicians) are understandably attempting to make

their power as extensive as possible without incurring the

severe risks which plague pubpols (public politicians).

(It seems that only the most daring finpols are willing to take

on the additional risks of pubpoldom, perhaps only because

they are denied the reins to the family's fortune by more

privileged relatives.) Pubpols lose their privacy and thus

their right to sexual impropriety in addition to incurring vul-

nerability to electioneering and worse in "democratic" coun-

tries. In most areas of the world the lot of the pubpols is

even worse. Purge, assassination, and armed coup are regu-

lar events. While totalitarianism of Right or Left at home

eliminates the shield of secure private property desired by

finpols, laissez--faire is likewise rejected out-of-hand as hell-

on-earth by enlightened power-seekers.

   Egoism, mitigated only by the reality of circumstance, is

the motive to realistically attribute to healthy elites. An elite

under the spell of mental spooks could not hold sway for

long. Although finpol statism is increasingly a crisis for its

victims, there is as yet no evidence that the elite itself is in

serious crisis. Even inflation, the current crisis for the

powerless, is simply another crisis to be managed toward the

end of consolidating, extending, and refreshing elite power.

No doubt the depression which must inevitably follow will be

managed to even better effect at the expense of the masses.

   I have classified the bibliography into the categories Right

and Left. In each list I begin with the most objective works

and proceed to the works most infected with mental spooks

and emotional hysteria. These books should be read for

empirical data, not theoretical insight. A list of less ideologi-

cally biased works is provided as well. I quote and recom-

mend authors, not to imply support for my scenario where

there is none, but to credit a few of those who have provided

grist for my thoughts.

                     BIBLIOGRAPHY

     "We are much beholden to Machiavelli and others,

     that write what men do, and not what they ought to do.

     

                 -Francis Bacon

    Indispensable Thoughts on History, Economics, Politics,

                  Philosophy, and Human Nature.

Murray N. Rothbard, Economic Determinism and the Con-

   spiracy Theory of History Revisited, Audio-Forum.

   America's Great Depression, Nash, 1972.

Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope Macmillan, 1966

Gabriel Kolko, The Triumph of Conservatism, Quadrangle

Carroll Quigley, The Evolution of Civilizations.

Anton Szandor LaVey, The Satanic Bible, Avon Books, 1969.

Arkon Daraul, Secret Societies, Citadel Press, 1962.

Count Egon Caesar Corti, The Rise of the House of Roths-

   child, The Reign of the House of Rothschild, Cosmopolitan

   Book Corp., 1928.

Max Stirner, The Ego and His Own, Libertarian Book Club,

   1963.

Robert Ardrey, The Social Contract, Dell Publishing, 1970.

Friedrich Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil: Prelude to a

   Philosophy of the Future, Random House, 1966.

George Orwell, Animal Farm, New American Library

Niccolo Machiavelli, The Prince, Encyclopedia Britannica,

   1955.

Ludwig von Mises, Theory and History, Arlington House,

   1969. Human Action, Henry Regnery, 1966.

James J. Martin, Revisionist Viewpoints, Ralph Myles Pub-

   lisher, 1971.

Committee on Government Operations-U.S. Senate, Dis-

   closure of Corporate Ownership, U.S. Government Print-

   ing Office, 1974.

Antony C. Sutton, Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution,

   Wall Street and FDR, Arlington House, 1975.

                 The Left on the Ruling Class

Gabriel Kolko, The Triumph of Conservatism, Quadrangle

   Books, 1967.

Richard Ney, The Will Street Gang, Praeger Publishers,

   1974.

Ferdinand Lundberg, The Rich and the Super-Rich, Lyle

   Stuart, 1968. America's 60 Families, Vanguard, 1938.

William G. Domhoff, Who Rules America? Prentice Hall,

   1967. The Higher Circles. Random House, 1970.

Matthew Josephson, Money Lords, New American Library,

   1973. The Robber Barons. Harcourt Brace & Co., 1934.

George H. Shibley, The Money Question, Stable Money Pub-

   lishing Co., 1896.

Jules Archer, The Plot to Seize the White House, Hawthorn

   Books, 1973.

William Hoffman. David: Report on a Rockefeller, Dell Pub-

   lishing, 1972.

Joel Andreas, The Incredible Rocky, North American Con-

   gress on Latin America, 1973.

Gustavus Myers,  The History of the Great American Fortunes

   1907

                              

         The Right on the Conspiracy Theory of History

Antony C. Sutton, National Suicide, Arlington House, 1973.

Charles A. Lindbergh, Sr., The Economic Pinch, Dorrance &

   Company, Inc., 1923, Reprinted by Omni Publications.

Louis T. McFadden, Collective Speeches of Congressman

   McFadden, Omni Publications, 1970.

H.S. Kenan, The Federal Reserve Bank, The Noontide Press,

   1968.

Gary Allen, None Dare Call It Conspiracy , Concord Press,

   1973. Richard Nixon - The Man Behind the Mask,

   Western Islands, 1971. The Rockefeller File, '76 Press,

   1976.

Dan Smoot, The Invisible Government, The Dan Smoot Re-

   port, Inc., 1962.

W. Cleon Skousen, The Naked Capitalist, The Author, 1970.

Taylor Caldwell, Captains and Kings, Fawcett Publications,

   1973.

John Robison, Proofs of Conspiracy, 1798, Reprinted by

   Western Islands.

Nesta Webster, Secret Societies and Subversive Movements,

   Christian Book Club, 1967.

A. N. Field, The Truth About the Slump, 1931, Reprinted by

   Omni Publications, 1962.

William Robert Plumme, The Untold History, The Committee

   for the Restoration of the Republic, 1964.

June Grem, Karl Marx: Capitalist, Enterprise Publications,

   1972.

Emanuel Josephson, Rockefeller Internationalist: Man Who

   Misrules the World, Chedney Press, 1962.

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