STATEMENT OF HIS HOLINESS THE DALAI LAMA ON THE OCCASION OF THE 35th ANNIVERSARY OF THE TIBETAN NATIONAL UPRISING

--------------------------   CanTibNet Newsletter   ------------------------
   Published by:     The Canada-Tibet Committee
   Editorial Board:  Brian Given <bgiven@ccs.carleton.ca>
                     Nima Dorjee <amnesty@acs.ucalgary.ca>
                     Conrad Richter <conradr@utcc.utoronto.ca>
                     Tseten Samdup <tibetlondon@gn.apc.org>
   Submissions and subscriptions to:
                     ctn-editors@utcc.utoronto.ca
                     or fax to: +44-71-722-0362  (U.K.)
   Send us your comments, announcements, news or items for discussion.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
ID Issue 94/4/9  GMT 18:15      Complied by Tseten Samdup
---------------------------------------------------------------------

Content
---------------------------------------------------------------------
1)  HIS HOLINESS THE DALAI LAMA's 10th MARCH 1994
      STATEMENT
---------------------------------------------------------------------
                                      EMBARGOED UNTIL 10TH MARCH
                                      1994

STATEMENT OF HIS HOLINESS THE DALAI LAMA
ON THE OCCASION OF THE 35th ANNIVERSARY
OF THE TIBETAN NATIONAL UPRISING


 Today, as we observe the 35th anniversary of our National
 Uprising Day, I wish to take stock of our 14 years' efforts to
 find a peaceful and realistic solution to the Tibetan issue
 through honest negotiations with the Chinese government.  In my
 endeavour to restore freedom, peace and dignity to our country
 and people, I have always sought to be guided by realism,
 patience and vision.
        For the past 14  years, I have not only declared my
        willingness to enter into negotiations but have also made
        maximum concessions in a series of initiatives and
        proposals which clearly lie within the framework for
        negotiations as stated by Deng Xiaoping in 1979 that
        "except for independence of Tibet, all other questions can
        be negotiated."  The ideas put forward in my Five Point
        Peace Plan for Tibet in 1987 and the Strasbourg Proposal
        in 1988 envisage a solution which does not ask for the
        complete independence of Tibet.  However, the Chinese
        government has even refused to enter into negotiations of
        any kind.  It has also avoided discussing any question of
        substance, insisting that the only issues to be resolved
        are those pertaining to my personal return to Tibet.  The
        issue is not about my return to Tibet.  I have stated this
        time and again.  The issue is the survival of the six
        million Tibetan people along with the protection of our
        distinct culture, identity and civilization.  I have made
        it clear that the negotiations must centre around ways to
        end China's population transfer policy, which threatens
        the very survival of the Tibetan people, respect for
        Tibetans' fundamental human rights and entitlement to
        democratic freedom, the de-militarization and
        de-nuclearization of Tibet, the restoration of the Tibetan
        people's control over matters affecting their own affairs,
        the protection of Tibet's natural environment.  Moreover,
        I have always emphasized that any negotiation must
        comprise the whole of Tibet, not just the area which China
        calls the "Tibet Autonomous Region." I have maintained
        this approach for the last 14 years in spite of my
        disappointment and criticism expressed by many Tibetans to
        my moderate stand.  I have not forgotten that 1.2 million
        Tibetans have died and that Tibet has suffered
        immeasurably since the occupation of our country by
        Communist China.  I also know that every Tibetan hopes and
        prays for the full restoration of our nation's
        independence.  Nevertheless, I had hoped that my
        middle-way approach would eventually create an atmosphere
        of mutual trust, conducive to fruitful negotiations and
        exert a restraining influence on the repressive Chinese
        policies in Tibet.  Here I appreciate the many Tibetans
        who have supported my initiatives and felt they were a
        practical necessity.  The Chinese government has rejected
        my overtures one after another and has consistently
        attempted to confuse the real issue. Meanwhile, the
        magnitude and gravity of the situation inside Tibet has
        dramatically escalated.  Developments in Tibet have been
        marked by an intensification of the Chinese policy of
        suppression, the marginalization of the Tibetan people in
        their own country, the gradual extermination of our unique
        culture and religion, and the destruction and exploitation
        of Tibet's environment.  I must now recognize that my
        approach has failed to produce any progress either for
        substantive negotiations or in contributing to the overall
        improvement of the situation in Tibet.  Moreover, I am
        conscious of the fact that a growing number of Tibetans,
        both inside as well as outside Tibet, have been
        disheartened by my conciliatory stand not to demand
        complete independence for Tibet. Because of my statement,
        some Tibetans have come to believe that there is no hope
        at all for the Tibetan people regaining their basic rights
        and freedoms.  This, and the lack of any concrete results
        from my conciliatory approach towards the Chinese
        government over the past 14 years have caused
        disillusionment and undermined the resolve of some
        Tibetans.  Internationally, my initiatives and proposals
        have been endorsed as realistic and reasonable by many
        governments, parliaments, and non-governmental
        organisations.  But, despite the growing support of the
        international community, the Chinese government has not
        responded constructively.  I have left no stone unturned
        in my  attempts to reach an understanding with the
        Chinese.  We have had to place our hopes on international
        support and help in bringing about meaningful
        negotiations, to which I still remain committed.  If this
        fails, then I will no longer be able to pursue this policy
        with a clear conscience.  I feel strongly that it would
        then be my responsibility, as I have stated many times in
        the past, to consult my people on the future course of our
        freedom struggle.  Just as the late Indian Prime Minister,
        Jawaharlal Nehru, stated in the Indian parliament on
        December 7, 1950, I too have always maintained that the
        final voice with regard to Tibet should be the voice of
        the Tibetan people.  Whatever the outcome of such a
        consultation, it will serve as a guideline for our future
        dealings with China and the reorientation of the course of
        our freedom struggle.  I continue to remain committed to
        finding a peaceful and negotiated resolution to the issue
        of Tibet with the Chinese government directly.  But the
        Chinese are merely paying lip service to this approach. It
        is evident that only increased international political and
        economic pressure can bring a sense of urgency to bear on
        the Chinese leadership not merely to pay lip service but
        to resolve the problem of Tibet peacefully and amicably.
        The tragedy of Tibet can be relieved through the
        determined and concerted efforts of  various governments
        and NGOs championing human rights, liberty and democracy
        the world over.  If the Tibetan issue can be resolved
        peacefully, through mutual openness and understanding, I
        am convinced that it will help alleviate the anxiety felt
        in the minds of six million residents of Hong Kong. It
        will also have a positive effect on China's relationship
        with Taiwan and enhance its international image.  Today,
        we also remember those brave Tibetans who fought and died
        for the cause of our nation and those who are languishing
        in Chinese prisons. We also pay our respects to our
        courageous brothers and sisters in Tibet who are
        continuing the struggle for the freedom of our people
        under extremely adverse conditions.  The course of history
        and the present world atmosphere are favourable to the
        aspirations of our nation.  Our cause is gathering
        momentum.  Fearful of these developments, China has now
        formulated policies to undermine our administration in
        exile as well as to create discord and division in our
        community.  Therefore, every one of us must be alert and
        renew our commitment to the just cause of our country.  I
        firmly believe that the day is close when our beloved Land
        of Snow will no longer be politically subjugated,
        culturally ravaged and economically and environmentally
        exploited and devastated.  Our dedication, sacrifice and
        hard work will eventually lead our captive nation to
        freedom and peace in dignity. However, it is important
        that our struggle must be based on nonviolence.  On behalf
        of all the Tibetan people, I want to take this opportunity
        to express our deep appreciation and gratitude to our many
        friends throughout the world for their support of our
        cause. I must also thank the many parliaments and
        governments that have started to take a serious look at
        the Tibetan problem.  Another positive development of
        recent years is support for our cause even amongst the
        Chinese people.  For example, a long letter written on
        October 5, 1992, by the well-known Chinese dissident, Wei
        Jingsheng, to Deng Xiaoping, speaking out against his
        government's unjust claims over Tibet and their misguided
        policies there, has just become public.  These expressions
        are the manifestations of genuine human respect for truth
        and justice.  I take this opportunity especially to thank
        our Chinese brothers and sisters the world over for their
        support and encouragement. Finally, I wish to reiterate
        our immense gratitude and appreciation to all the
        countries where Tibetan exiles have been given asylum,
        particularly to the people and government of this country,
        which has become a second home for the majority of the
        Tibetans in exile.  My prayers for peace and welfare of
        all sentient beings.

10 March 1994    Dharamsala

=============================================================================

--- GoldED 2.41+/#1067
 * Origin: BODY DHARMA * Berkeley CA 510/836-4717 * DharmaNet (96:101/33)